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Gender Roles and the Family-Motherhood Divide

Jessica Weiss


Historical models of fertility have often focused on a link between gender roles and labor force participation. Recent trends indicate an increased level of the female labor force participation rates, which would seem to suggest trade-offs with childrearing and motherhood. Government and employer policies have begun to focus on mitigating this divide between work and motherhood amongst women. This paper reviews current literature with the intent to answer the question; can we resolve the conflict between employment and motherhood?


This paper is divided into six sections. The first section will focus on the link between gender roles and fertility and in particular highlight the evolving view of gender roles. The second section will investigate modern trends in the work-family balance. The third section will explore the relationship between policies that grant maternity leave and the effect on fertility rates, with the intent to determine whether or not offering such policies has a negative impact on businesses and fertility rates. The fourth section will compare current policy in the United States to that of other developed nations in order to pinpoint the effects of maternity leave on a society. The fifth section outlines policy implications suggested by the literature. The final section summarizes the paper.

Gender Roles and Fertility


There are several models of the family and gender roles used in population economics. The conventional model theorizes a sexual division of labor whereby men specialize in the paid labor market while women specialize in unpaid labor market activities such as childrearing (Joshi, 1998). This model is based on the idea of comparative advantage that suggests an increased efficiency of specialization along these gender lines. Traditional gender roles cite that women have less skill and are therefore less suited for entrance into the labor market. Alternatively, the determinant of specialization of labor according to gender roles could be unequal treatment in the workforce, particularly as viewed through wages (Joshi, 1998). Based on traditional gender roles women might receive a lower wage because they invest less time in acquiring skill in anticipation of staying home to raise children. The conventional model suggests that the opportunity cost of men leaving the workforce is higher than that of women. Therefore, according to this model it is more advantageous and efficient for women to stay at home and raise the children while the male serves as the breadwinner (Joshi, 1998).


In post-industrial literature, this view has been criticized. The emergence of many lines of work with cross-gender skill sets makes specialization according to gender less efficient (Joshi, 1998). According to this line of thought, models of gender specific roles translates to suboptimal positions in many cases and can affect the whole economy through lower levels of training and the underutilization of human capital. Additionally, the conventional model relies upon the continued partnership within a marriage and does not account for the effects of divorce or premature death. Without cross-gender skill sets, under these special conditions the family would functioning well below the optimal level in the absence of trade across specialties.


Evidence also suggests a strong link between changing gender roles and fertility. As gender roles begin to evolve in many societies, women are increasingly accepted into the labor force. With higher labor participation rates among women, levels of total fertility significantly decrease (Joshi, 1998). In households with dual earners the family is able to compensate for having two labor force participants by adjusting the stereotypical roles of gender in domestic work (Joshi, 1998). Changing gender roles may begin to reconcile the divide between efficiency and equity across genders.

Trends in the Work-Family Balance


Recent data has detected a dramatic change in the labor force participation rate, indicating a rapidly increasing number of women entering the workplace. In addition, the number of women with dependent children has accounted for a large portion of this increase (Ruhm, 2004). There has also been a significant increase in the number of single-parent households. Balancing these changes are two additional trends. First, while labor force participation has been increasing, fertility rates have been falling. Second, women now spend less time on domestic work such as household cleaning than has previously been the norm (Ruhm, 2004).


All these changes have an effect on the ability of women to balance their roles as both a mother and a breadwinner. Increased participation in the labor force means that women are spending less time at home. For women with children, the decision to enter the labor force implies not only that the mother will not be able to spend as much time with her children, but also that she must look for alternatives for childcare (Ruhm, 2004). The cost of childcare can be astronomical, especially in proportion to the total income of low-wage earners. Men must also spend more time performing traditionally domestic and female activities. These effects of increased labor force participation among women are mitigated by the decrease in time spent on housework; however, this decrease in time spent on domestic activities does not make up for the increased time spent away from the home. Additional challenges are presented in single-parent households where the wage earner is also responsible for all childcare and domestic activities. In single-parent homes there is no means of sharing the burden (Ruhm, 2004).


Balancing work life with family life is no doubt a challenge. While increased participation in the workforce by women has led to decreased fertility rates, there still exists a large gap between the time a working woman has to devote to childrearing and the time she has dispensable. Finding a balance between raising children and increasing household income is difficult. Families, employers and governments have changed habits and implemented policies in an attempt to resolve this conflict.

Maternity Leave and Fertility


In an attempt to mitigate the adverse effects of women entering the workforce, governments and employers have enacted policies targeted at giving women increased flexibility. A common policy is the availability of benefits such as maternity or family leave. This policy gives a woman a set period of time around the birth of a child to perform childcare activities without the fear of losing her job. The merits of such policies have been debated. While this policy does provide job security for a woman, potentially decreasing the cost of childbearing, the policies can increase costs for employers as they must ensure the availability of temporary workers or otherwise compensate for the temporary loss of an employee. It has also been suggested that the availability of maternity leave will affect the fertility decisions of women (Averett and Whittington, 2001). The presence of a maternity leave policy has the potential to greatly impact both the economy and fertility rates.


When firms chose to offer maternity leave or unequal government policies mandate that some firms offer maternity leave while others are exempt two main issues arise (Averett and Whittington, 2001). First, maternity policies may attract female employees from firms where the benefit is unavailable. Second, the implementation of a maternity leave policy might induce women to have more births.


The exploration of the decision of women to self-select into firms that offer maternity leave benefits indicates that although the option is available women do not tend to choose a work environment based upon the desire to have children and the presence of maternity leave benefits (Averett and Whittington, 2001).


Models suggest that a wide-spread policy that would grant maternity leave benefits would increase the fertility rate of women with at least one child (Averett and Whittington, 2001). Women of child bearing age are likely to be affected by the presence of a maternity leave policy especially if they have previously had children. However, when this result is combined with the finding that the increased labor force participation rate leads to fewer births, there is essentially no change in the total fertility rate (Averett and Whittington, 2001).

Case Study: U.S. and Europe


The United States lags behind nearly all other developed countries in the availability of maternity leave and job security for new mothers (Ruhm, 2004). Recent legislation in the United States labor market is characterized by limited paid leave and little child care support. However, the private and government granted maternity benefits more common in Europe may not be the proper solution for the United States. Americans benefit from the tradeoff between work and family as it leads to higher total incomes. Likewise, the United States exhibits a high reliance on free markets and limits the intervention of government in market affairs (Ruhm, 2004).


However, evidence from Europe and other developed regions of the world suggest that mandatory maternity leave can improve the health of the child and can lead to other benefits. There is mixed evidence about the likelihood that this model would work in the United States as the presence of maternity leave and lead to market failure through asymmetric information or if children are viewed as public goods (Ruhm, 2004).

Past Policy and the Future


There have been several reforms to government and employer policy in the United States that has affected the work-family balance amongst women. Changes in the Earned Income Tax Credit policy has helped to fuel the increase in the labor force participation rate among women, especially those with children (Ruhm, 2004). Welfare reform has also pressured single mothers to find employment or face losing benefits. This increases the number of children that go without proper childcare and further stresses the work-family balance for mothers (Ruhm, 2004).


The adoption of the Family and Medical Leave Act in 1993 required that firms and government agencies over a certain size offer maternity leave benefits, increasing the job security of working mothers (Averett and Whittington, 2001). However, under this policy maternity leave is unpaid therefore causing many women to return to the workforce before the allotted time expires.


Given the relative failure of these policies in the United States, it is necessary to uncover policies that might make the tradeoff between work and family less difficult. As aforementioned, maternity leave policies can be costly and may spur increases in fertility. While it is important to offer women time away from work to spend with children, perhaps it is most important to investigate alternative childcare options, such as onsite child care that would allow women to continue working, but assure that children receive many of the benefits of having a mother stay at home.

Conclusion


Historically, gender roles and stereotypes have pressured women to take a more domestic role, often staying in the home to care for children and household chores. However, societal changes and the desire for higher incomes have led more women to join the labor force. This increased labor force participation rate has led to lower fertility rates, but it has also strained the work-family balance among women.


This paper investigated policies that attempt to bridge the gap between family time and work for women. Maternity leave has been suggested as a way to give women more time with children immediately post-birth. However, this policy does not go far enough to help new mothers and may even spur more births. New policies that directly address child care options must be investigated.



Bibliography

 

Averett, Susan L.; Whittington, Leslie A. (2001), "Does Maternity Leave Induce Births?", Southern Economic Journal v68, n2 (October 2001): 403-417.

Joshi, Heather (1998), "The Opportunity Costs of Childbearing: More Than Mothers' Business", Journal of Population Economics v11, n2 (May 1998): 161-183.

Ruhm, Christopher J., (2004), "How Well Do Parents with Young Children Combine Work and Family Life?", NBER Working Paper 10247.