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Should America Privatize Social Security

Gautam Mehta


"The failure to reform entitlements [like social security]," said President Bush in his 2006 State of the Union address, "will one day leave our children with three bad options: huge tax increases, huge deficits, or huge and immediate cuts in benefits." Paul Krugman, on the other hand, feels that "privatization would worsen, not improve, social security" (Krugman, 2004). While most observers recognize the need to reform social security in view of an ageing population and retiring baby boomers, many disagree on the path of the reform. Advocates of personal accounts feel that Americans must take even greater responsibility for their own retirement security as it will not only expand personal wealth and but also have a salutary effect on the economy as a whole. Opponents, on the other hand, feel that personal accounts would be more expensive and poor providers of retirement income, especially to lower income workers. Social security, in my opinion, should not be privatized by introducing personal account but though investing a part of the trust fund into private securities. The actuarial imbalance should be further restored not through benefit cuts but through reducing distortion in labour compensation by imposing taxes on fringe benefits.
The outlook for US social security trust fund ranges from optimistic to bleak. Given the wide range of future demographic possibilities, it is hard to predict with certainty the future sustainability of the social security program. I will list and discuss the wide range of outlooks for the US social security trust fund in section I. In light of the uncertain outlook, there are several ways to reform the social security program. I will discuss some of the ways, such as benefit cuts, personal accounts, suggested by scholars and policy makers to reform social security in section II. I will then discuss why imposing tax on fringe benefits and then investing some of the trust fund in private securities is the best way to restore the actuarial balance in section III.
Outlook for Social security
Social security is currently the largest item in the federal budget. Since social security taxes collected exceed the benefits paid, the surplus revenues are lent to the treasury to help finance other government expenditure. If fact, the social security trust fund lends more money to the federal government than even Chinese and Japanese central banks. And none of this is expected to change in the near future. Observers generally agree on the benign near term outlook for social security. Even under pessimistic assumption about the state of the economy, the program will continue to collect more payroll tax revenue than needed to finance benefit payments till 2015 (Burtless, 1997). The surplus will increase by between $70 and $150 billion a year and will earn a rate of return payable on government debt sold to the public, providing ample contingency funds even in case of a prolonged recession (Burtless, 1997).
The long term outlook for social security, however, will worse due several underlying demographic factors, such as birth rates and mortality. The baby boom generation will begin retiring in the next decade. Due to increasing life expectancy, the retiring baby boomers will live and collect social security benefits for longer. The growth of working age population, on the other hand, will slow down due to a 40% drop in fertility rate over the past quarter century. As a result, the number of workers contributing to social security will rise very slowly while the number of beneficiaries will rise sharply (Burtless, 1997). The dependency rate will continue to rise over the next century even after the baby boomers are gone (Bostworth, 1996). The financial implications of increasing dependency rate are less certain and depend on growth or the economy and productivity.
The cost rate - the pay-as-you-go tax rate needed to finance the social security system in a given year - will slowly rise upwards between now and 2015 and rise sharply over the next 20 years as the baby boom population moves into retirement (Burtless, 1997). If taxes are not increased or benefits cut the social security program will face serious funding problems in the future. The current projections show the actuarial deficit - the present discounted value of the difference between future income and outgo - of the social security trust fund to be equal to 2.2% of payroll. The long term deficit will only worsen because the simple passage of time requires additional tax increases as the 75-year valuation period extends further into the high cost years of the next century. Under the intermediate projections, the payroll tax rate will need to increase to about 16.5% in 2030 and continue to rise to 18% in 2070 for balance to be maintained (Bosworth, 1996). There is, however, a wide range of uncertainty around these projections. Under the optimistic scenario, the annual balance of the social security trust fund will by only slightly negative after 2020 and will improve after 2040. Because the predicted accumulation in the fund between 1995 and 2020 is so large, the interest earnings will allow the trust fund to remain solvent for the infinite future (Burtless, 1997). Under the pessimistic scenario, on the other hand, the costs will continue to soar and exceed tax revenues by more than 4% of GDP but 2060 (Burtless, 1997).
Measures to Reform Social Security
Given the wide range of projections for the actuarial balance of the social security trust fund, a variety of reforms have been proposed to restore balance. In order to understand why taxing fringe benefits and investing social security surplus in private securities is the best option to restore long term social security balance, let us critically evaluate some of the other proposals. One of the ways proposed to meet the projected shortfall in the social security fund is to reduce benefits to retirees. The simplest way to reduce benefits is to cut the basic pension of all retirees. To meet the long term shortfall in Social Security, benefits would have to be cut by 15% immediately (Burtless, 1997). If, due to political pressures, Congress were to decide to reduce benefits only to new retirees, benefits would have to be reduced by almost 18% (Burtless, 1997). If benefit reduction is delayed, larger cuts would be necessary to restore the actuarial balance of the trust fund. Prudent policymakers, in my opinion, should avoid across the board benefit cuts. Social security is the main source of income for most retirees, providing over 80% of the income available to over half of all elderly individuals and couples. Since these retirees will few additional sources of increase, an across the board benefit cuts would result in offsetting increases in Supplemental Social Security payments or higher poverty rates. Mean-testing benefit cuts based on life-time income would concentrate benefit reduction among high wage earners, leading to widespread disaffection and demands to be let out of the system. Means-testing benefit cuts based on retirement income would destroy incentives for retirement saving through private means.
Benefits to retirees can also be trimmed by reducing the annual cost-of-living adjustments (COLA). According to a report by a Senate-appointed commission, the CPI, on which the annual COLAs are based, overstates changes in cost of living by an average of 1.1% per year (Burtless, 1997). Even the reduction in COLA by 1.1% a year would eliminate only three quarters of 75-year imbalance (Burtless, 1997). Reductions in COLAs are, in my opinion, undesirable. Firstly, the accuracy of the overstatement found by the commission is questionable, since about half of the overstatement is attributable to unmeasured quality improvements in goods and services. Secondly, if continued every year, a 1% reduction in COLAs would reduce the pension of an 80 year old by 16.5%, exacerbating the problem of poverty and low income among the very aged. The increase in poverty among the elderly if COLAs are reduced would be greater than would be the case if across the board benefit cuts are implemented (Burtless, 1997). Another way to reduce benefits is by increasing the retirement age. An increase in retirement age from 62 to 67 phased over a two decade period has already begun in 2002. If, as some policymakers suggest, higher retirement age of were to begin immediately, many new retires will find their retirement calculations go awry. Moreover, immediate reduction in retirement age would unfairly and arbitrarily target a certain section.
In general, reduction in pensions would benefit future workers at the cost of the current elderly. Current and future workers will, on an average, be much wealthier and in a better position than current retirees to accept the tax increases or benefit reductions needed to restore balance in Social Security trust fund. It hardly makes sense for current generation of retirees to make sacrifices so that wealthier future generations can enjoy modest increases in living standards.
Another proposal to improve the Social Security balance is to move to a funded system. Under this proposal, a part of the payroll tax would be put into individual accounts, which would be controlled and managed by workers. This proposal will require generating additional revenue to pay current retirees the promised benefits and restore actuarial balance. The double burden paying off current obligations and saving for their own retirement makes it costly for the transitional generation to move from a 'pay-as-you-go' to a funded system, forcing generations into conflict over which group will have to make the larger sacrifice (Burtless, 1997). Supporters of social security privatization claim that it will increase returns to workers. While workers may earn high returns, these returns must be balanced with additional risks of investing in private securities. It is unclear if risk-adjusted returns on individual accounts will be higher. The large costs incurred in managing and selling mutual funds are almost impossible to avoid (Diamond, 1996). These costs will eat into the higher returns A system of private accounts will also be unable to provide insurance against longevity and inflation (Orr, 2002). Few, if any, countries have been successful at organizing efficient annuity markets based on individual choice. As a result, retirees risk outliving their money and might be forced to fall back on a minimum government provided pensions at an age when they are most vulnerable. Not many private retirement products are indexed to inflation. Retirees therefore risk a reduction in their real income and may be forced to reduce consumption.
The US economy may not reap some of the other economic benefits of individual accounts. As the US has well organized set of capital markets, it would not reap the benefits, as Chile did, of moving from poorly organized markets to well organized ones. Moreover, because of the structure of the social security system, there will be little or no increase in national savings or capital accumulation due to privatization. Currently, Social Security is an integral part of the total federal budget. The surplus is lent to the government to finance its other programs. Social security can be used as a vehicle for raising national savings only if it is differentiated from the operating budget of the government. Ultimately, there is no way of guaranteeing that partial privatization of social security would increase national savings (Bosworth, 1996). Furthermore, if the government were to increase its borrowing to offset the loss of payroll tax revenue, privatization would contribute little to capital accumulation beyond what could be achieved by investing a part of the trust fund in private securities (Diamond, 1996).
Increased taxes and management of the OASDI fund
As discussed above, benefit cuts or individual accounts are an undesirable way to restore the actuarial balance of the social security system. In my opinion, a better way to achieve balance would be to pre-fund the system by imposing taxes on fringe benefits and investing a part of the trust fund in the private economy. Currently, only wages are taxed while fringe benefits, such as health insurance, remain untaxed. This is unfair to the workers who derive a large part of their compensation from wages. Increasingly, this has resulted in a part of labour compensation being paid out in the form of fringe benefits. Taxable wages now are only about 40% of GDP. Taxing fringe benefits will reduce some distortions in labour compensation and increase inflows into social security trust fund. It will also have less deadweight losses, such as decrease in total number of hours worked, than would be the case with a tax increase. The social security trust fund will continue to build surplus well into the next decade until benefit payments begin to rise.
A small tax increase alone will not solve the problems of financing future benefits. It will have to be combined with a more aggressive investment strategy for a part of the trust fund. More aggressive investments will help achieve actuarial balance since, on an average, stock and corporate bonds have higher returns than treasury securities. A part of why treasury securities offer low returns is because of their liquidity premium. Since the cash needs of social security are predictable, it does not need to accept lower returns for higher liquidity. Social security funds can therefore be invested in illiquid securities for higher returns. In my opinion, the Social Security Administration should adopt a well diversified but passive investment strategy across various asset classes to boost long-term returns while reducing risks. Since Social Security trust fund is invested only in treasury securities, diversification would not only increase return but also reduce the risk of trust fund being wiped out by high inflation. Social Security trust fund will be better equipped than individuals to bear the higher risks of investments in private securities. Social Security is a better risk bearer as it can spread risks over time, using the part of trust fund in treasury bonds as a cushion (Diamond, 1996). Social Security will earn higher returns than individual account for a given strategy since, because of economies of scale, it can reduce administration and fund management costs.
Some question the ability of public sector managers to invest such a large amount of money. A passive investment strategy will not require managers to pick a particular security but invest across asset classes. Social Security can also outsource a part of the fund management to the private sector through a competitive bidding process. Many nations, such as Norway, Singapore, the UAE, manage their budget surplus by investing in domestic and international private securities. Recently, China announced plans to invest as much as $200 billion in private securities. Most of the investments have earned 2-3% excess returns above the risk free rate. There is no reason to think that the US Social Security Administration will do any worse. Others fear excessive government involvement in the economy by investing in private securities. Innovations in capital markets, such as index funds, now make it possible for Social Security to invest in the private economy while having little say about the allocation of capital in the economy. Moreover, the global capital markets are large enough that a few hundred billion dollars would not dramatically change the capital allocation process.
Conclusion
Clearly, the social security system faces actuarial imbalance due to retiring baby boomers and an ageing population. Future benefit payments to retirees will be much greater than tax inflows from workers and interest earnings. The imbalance will only get worse as the 75-year period moves into the high cost years of the next century. Benefit cuts not only will arbitrarily and unfairly target a certain generation but will also increase poverty among the elderly. Individual accounts have huge transition costs that would be borne by the transitional generation while the benefits will flow much wealthier future generations. While they may provide retirement income, private accounts will not provide insurance against inflation and living too long. In my opinion, the balance should be restored by a marginal tax increase and a more aggressive investment strategy for the trust fund. Taxing fringe benefits, such as insurance, will reduce distortions in labour compensation without many of the dead weight losses that accompany tax increases. The surplus built up as a result of tax increases can be invested more aggressively in private securities. Not only will diversification reduce risks of investing in a single asset class but also improve returns by taking higher risks. A passive diversified investment strategy will also eliminate most of the risks of investing in private securities

 

 

Bibliography


Burtless, Gary (1997), "Social Security's Long-Term Budget Outlook", National Tax Journal v50, n3 (September 1997): 399-412.

Bosworth, Barry P. "Fund Accumulation: How Much? How Managed?", in Social Security What Role for the Future?, edited by Peter A. Diamond, David C. Lindeman and Howard Young, National Academy of Social Insurance, Washington, D.C., 1996, Chapter 2, pp.89-113.

Diamond, Peter A. "The Future of Social Security" in Social Security What Role for the Future?, edited by Peter A. Diamond, David C. Lindeman and Howard Young, National Academy of Social Insurance, Washington, D.C., 1996, Chapter 7, pp.225-233.

Economic Report of the President (2002), "Economic Report of the President: Strengthening Retirement Security", Population and Development Review, March 2002, vol. 28, no. 1pp. 165-172.

Orr, Douglas V. (2002), "The Social Security Reform Debate: Effects of Financial and Labor Market Institutions", Review of Radical Political Economics v34, n3, pp. 285-293.